Understanding the Popular Appeal of Horror Cinema: An Integrated-Interactive Model
Online publication date: May 13, 2004
Journal of Media Psychology, Volume 9, No. 2, Spring, 2004
Glenn D. Walters, Ph.D.
Explaining Horror
A number of psychosocial models, most with roots in the psychological subfields of personality and social psychology, have been tendered in an effort to explain the enigmatic hold horror pictures seem to have on an audience. Eight of these theories are briefly described in this section.
Psychoanalysis
Both Freud and Jung offered explanations for the popularity of horror fiction. To Freud (1919/1955) horror was a manifestation of the “uncanny,” reoccurring thoughts and feelings that have been repressed by the ego but which seem vaguely familiar to the individual. Jung (1934/1968), on the other hand, argued that horror gained its popularity from the fact that it touched on important archetypes or primordial images that he said resided in the collective unconscious. Jungians contend that Analytic concepts like the shadow, mother, and anima/animus archetypes can be found in many works of horror fiction (Iaccino, 1994). The problem with psychoanalytic explanations of horror film appeal is the problem with psychoanalytic explanations of most behavior; a serious lack of precision that makes these theories difficult, if not impossible, to test empirically.
Catharsis
The Greek philosopher Aristotle believed that dramatic portrayals gave the audience an opportunity to purge itself of certain negative emotions, a process he called, catharsis. Feshbach (1976), in extending this approach to media presentations of violence and graphic horror, argued that dramatic or violent cinematic exhibitions encouraged the purgation of pent-up emotion and aggression and in so doing reduced the probability that a person would act on these emotions. Contrary to the catharsis hypothesis, research has shown that exposure to violent media increases rather than decreases subsequent acts of aggression (Bushman & Geen, 1990) and that anger can be reduced by experiences incompatible with anger, like those triggered by exposure to humor or erotica (Ramirez, Bryant, & Zillmann, 1982). Be this as it may, an inverse or negative relationship appears to exist between fear and interest in horror movies (Mundorf, Weaver, & Zillmann, 1989), although there is no way to tell from a correlation whether watching horror films reduces fear, lower levels of fear increase interest in horror movies, or some third variable explains the inverse relationship between these two variables.
Excitation Transfer
Excitation Transfer is a variation on the catharsis view. Zillmann (1978) has argued that frightening movie stimuli physiologically arouse the viewer who then experiences an intensification of positive affect in response to plot resolution, whether or not this entails a happy ending. Sparks (1991), in line with this model, discerned that distress and delight in response to a horror film correlated in three different samples, the effect being particularly pronounced in males. However, in many horror films the plot is never resolved and the monster or killer survives to participate in the sequel, and there is no evidence that serial films like Friday the 13th (1980, 1981, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1988, 1989, 1993) or Halloween (1978, 1981, 1988, 1989, 1995, 1998) are any less popular than horror movies in which the monster or killer is vanquished (Wells, 2000). McCauley (1998), in conducting two small studies, also uncovered data inconsistent with the excitation transfer hypothesis to the extent that enjoyment of cinematic horror was higher during the movie than at the end of the picture.
Curiosity/Fascination
Carroll (1990) maintains that instead of eliminating or reducing negative affect, horror films stimulate and excite positive emotions like curiosity and fascination. The violation of societal norms, a common theme in many horror pictures, may attract the attention of some viewers because it is outside the viewer’s normal everyday experience. In support of a curiosity/fascination explanation of horror film popularity, Tamborini, Stiff, and Zillmann (1987) observed a correlation of .39 between the deceit subscale of the Machiavellianism scale, a measure of the acceptance of norm violating behavior, and interest in horror cinema. Alternatively, research connotes that not all viewers identify with norm violating and, in fact, respond favorably when norm violators, like teenagers who engage in drug use, premarital sex, or petty crime, are punished over the course of a movie (Weaver, 1991).
Sensation Seeking
Zuckerman (1979) has proposed a sensation seeking theory of horror film appeal in which high sensation seeking people are said to be attracted to horror pictures because of the increased levels of sensation these movies provide. Edwards (1984), Sparks (1986) and Johnston (1995) have all recorded robust positive correlations between scores on Zuckerman’s Sensation Seeking Scale (SSS) and self-reported enjoyment of frightening entertainment and horror movies, although the relationship between SSS scores and interest in horror is not always significant (Tamborini, Stiff, & Zillmann, 1987). Zuckerman (1996) himself cautions us against “interpreting a preference in terms of a single trait or any disposition at all” because “there are many social facilitating factors that bring young people into these films” (p. 158).
Dispositional Alignment
People seem to enjoy the violence in horror movies when it is directed against those they believe are deserving of such treatment (Zillmann & Paulus, 1993). This observation has given rise to dispositional alignment theory in which it is hypothesized that a person’s emotional reactions to events portrayed in a horror film can be traced back to the dispositional feelings they have for the person involved. In other words, if it is someone who is seen as deserving of punishment, like a teenage girl currently engaged in sexual activity (Weaver, 1991), then the viewer is likely to adopt a positive view of the violence. Violence directed against someone not considered deserving of punishment, like an innocent child, is more likely to be interpreted in a negative light. While the dispositional alignment theory informs us of which episodes of violence in a horror picture will be acceptable to a viewer, it does not fully explain why horror, graphic or otherwise, is so popular with viewers.
Gender Role Socialization
In a classic study on gender differences in the social context of horror movie watching, Zillmann, Weaver, Mundorf, and Aust (1986) determined that teenage boys enjoyed a horror film significantly more when the female companion they were sitting next to expressed fright, whereas teenage girls enjoyed the film more when the male companion with whom they were paired showed a sense of mastery and control. These observations have given rise to the gender role socialization or snuggle theory in which horror films are viewed as a vehicle by which adolescents demonstrate gender role congruent behavior: mastery and fearlessness in boys and dependency and fearfulness in girls (Zillmann & Gibson, 1996). This theory fails to explain, however, why some people prefer to watch horror movies alone (McCauley, 1998).
Societal Concerns
Stephen King (1981) states that horror films often serve as a “barometer of those things which trouble the night thoughts of a whole society” (p. 131). Following up on this observation, Skal (1993) contends that horror films reflect current societal issues and concerns by denoting how the fear of totalitarianism in the 1930s gave birth to movies like Frankenstein (1931), the fear of radiation gave flight to the creature features of the 1950s, the war in Vietnam gave rise to a new breed of zombie movie as represented by 1968’s Night of the Living Dead, Watergate inspired mistrust for authority figures and films like Nightmare on Elm Street (1984), and serial killers encouraged an interest in movies like Silence of the Lambs (1991). As important as societal concerns are in understanding the popularity of horror movies, it should be kept in mind that many of these movies operate on universal or cross-cultural fears.
Tension
Horror films create tension through mystery (Rosemary’s Baby, 1968), suspense (The Haunting, 1963), gore (The Evil Dead, 1982), terror (The Shining, 1980), and shock (Suspira, 1977):
I recognize terror as the finest emotion, and so I will try to terrorize the reader. But if I find I cannot terrify him/her, I will try to horrify; and if I find I cannot horrify, I’ll go for the gross-out. I’m not proud. (Stephen King, 1981, p. 37).
The arousal that horror pictures incite is well documented (Tannenbaum, 1980; Zillmann, 1984)
and is generally thought to be a function of the atmosphere of suspense, visual stimulation, and, for males, an opportunity for mastery that movies in the horror genre provide viewers (Brosius & Schmitt, 1990). The musical score and sound track add to the tension by building suspense and
supplying information about a character’s current emotional state (Cohen, 1990). Horror cinema’s ability to induce (curiosity/fascination) and relieve (catharsis) tension, and raise tension in anticipation of successful plot resolution (excitation transfer) is central to its appeal.
Moreover, certain individuals are especially sensitive to the tension augmenting properties of horror films (sensation seeking).
The tension engendered by horror films differs from the tension produced by action-
adventure and dramatic films because of the presence of otherworldly forces. Movies like The Exorcist (1973) and Dracula (1931) reflect a strong sense of the supernatural, yet what about movies with more realistic antagonists like those in Psycho (1960) and Jaws (1975)? The tension that made Psycho (1960) a hit derived from the viewer’s belief that something beyond his or her normal experience was going on at the Bates Hotel and that these experiences were grounded in the supernatural or at least grossly abnormal. In a related vein, Jaws (1975) calls upon the supernatural or grossly abnormal by asking us to believe that a shark with a cerebrum the size of a walnut can outwit a Chief of Police, a highly educated marine biologist, and a seasoned shark hunter. Tension based on the distortion of natural forms (Cantor & Oliver, 1996), either as a supernatural force or perception of gross abnormality, is one of three fundamental characteristics of horror cinema that appeals to audiences.
Relevance
For a movie to be watched, it must first generate interest among potential viewers.
Interest can be sparked in a variety of different ways but relevance is one of the more common avenues by which interest in a film is established. The relevance of horror movies is oftentimes less obvious than it is for other genres and exists on four different levels: universal, cultural,
subgroup, and personal. The universal relevance of a film is the degree to which it touches on the ubiquitous aspects of fear and terror, as they apply to the themes of darkness, danger, and death. Jung’s (1934/1968) archetype of darkness is said to embody absolute evil and is well represented in cinematic horror. Danger, as symbolized by the unknown, and death are two additional universal fears that work their way into horror pictures. From a purely evolutionary standpoint, avoiding dark places where predatory animals may hide, attempting to understand that which is presently unknown, and finding ways to postpone death have survival value and may have been passed onto future generations through an evolutionary process. According to many psychoanalytic thinkers, universal fears make a horror film more relevant.
Cultural and historical fears may be as paramount to the popularity of horror films as universal fears. Based on Skal’s (1993) societal concern model of horror picture appeal, we can see that horror movies in the United States have reflected a number of cultural changes and historical events. The creature features of the 1950s, Them! (1954) and Godzilla (1954) being but two examples, reflected world-wide concern over the proliferation of nuclear weapons, while the AIDS epidemic of the late 1980s gave rise to a renewed interest in vampires (e.g., The Lost Boys, 1987). George Romero has used horror to poignantly critique American society with the zombies in his 1968 Night of the Living Dead representing dead American servicemen in Vietnam and his 1978 Dawn of the Dead exploring the folly of American consumerism. The dysfunctional American family became a popular target for horror films of the late 1980s as exemplified by The Stepfather series (1987, 1989, 1992). Societal concern theory highlights the role of cultural and historical fears in the development of horror movie scripts (Wells, 2000).
Subgroup fears, particularly those involving developmental trends, are a third way the relevance of horror movies can be enhanced. Many horror films exploit juvenile fears since teenagers are presumed to be one of the larger, if not the largest, groups of horror fiction enthusiasts in America. Adolescent-relevant issues of independence and identity figure prominently in horror pictures, making them particularly attractive to teenagers. Gender role identity theory, it would seem, has a great deal to say about the relevance of the horror genre to adolescent consumers. It is no coincidence that school serves as an important setting for many pictures in the slasher subgenre, movies which are made with teenage audiences in mind. School plays a significant role in the everyday lives of teenagers in that it establishes a context within which students can compare themselves to their peers on criteria of success and failure both socially and academically — issues that are at the heart of many juvenile fears (Jarvis, 2001). The neighborhood setting, as epitomized by Nightmare on Elm Street (1984), also facilitates the subgroup and personal relevance of horror fiction.
Relevance can also exist on a personal level. Individuals concerned with losing control (Cavallaro, 2002) or who possess strong sensation seeking tendencies (Tamborini & Stiff, 1987) may find horror movies more relevant than those who are unconcerned about issues of control or who possess weak sensation seeking tendencies. Wells (2000) writes that the fear experienced by a viewer in response to watching a horror film is directly proportional to the viewer’s level of sympathy for and identification with the protagonist. Dispositional alignment theory holds that viewing pleasure is enhanced when the movie portrays people receiving punishment the viewer believes deserve punishment (Zillmann & Paulus, 1993). Hence, if a character enters an obviously haunted house, the punishment he or she receives as a consequence of this action is seen as warranted and adds to overall viewer satisfaction. Movies in the horror genre that produce tension and incorporate universal, cultural, subgroup, and personal fear themes hold greater psychological appeal than horror films possessing low levels of tension and relevance.
Unrealism
Haidt, McCauley, and Rozin (1994), in conducting research on disgust, exposed college students to three documentary videos depicting real-life horrors. One clip showed cows being stunned, killed, and butchered in a slaughterhouse; a second clip pictured a live monkey being struck in the head with a hammer, having its skull cracked opened, and its brain served as dessert; a third clip depicted a child’s facial skin being turned inside out in preparation for surgery. Ninety percent of the students turned the video off before it reached the end. Even the majority of individuals who watched the tape in its entirety found the images disturbing. Yet many of these same individuals would think nothing of paying money to attend the premier of a new horror film with much more blood and gore than was present in the documentaries that most of them found repugnant. McCauley (1998) posed the logical question of why these students found the documentary film so unpleasant when most had sat through horror pictures that were appreciably more violent and bloody. The answer that McCauley came up with was that the fictional nature of horror films affords viewers a sense of control by placing psychological distance between them and the violent acts they have witnessed.
Most people who view horror movies understand that the filmed events are unreal, which furnishes them with psychological distance from the horror portrayed in the film. In fact, there is evidence that young viewers who perceive greater realism in horror films are more negatively affected by their exposure to horror films than viewers who perceive the film as unreal (Hoekstra, Harris, & Helmick, 1999). Several factors reinforce the fictional nature of cinematic depictions of horror: First, the supernatural content and gross abnormality that characterize the horror genre facilitate psychological distance. Likewise, the black humor that is part and parcel of many horror movies lends psychological distance to vivid portrayals of horror (McCauley, 1998). Finally, the music track for many horror pictures serves a distancing function in the sense that while music can induce tension by supplying additional information and creating suspense, it also injects an air of unreality into a picture because our everyday actions are not normally accompanied by music (Cohen, 1990). Apter (1992) remarks that cues for unreality serve a protective function to the extent that unreality helps people cope with the horrors they observe on screen. This unreality is viewed to be a consequence of the psychological distance which fiction provides and through which the appeal of horror cinema is realized.
When presenting a new psychological theory, it is important to keep description and explanation separate. Theories that fail to make this distinction leave themselves vulnerable to accusations of tautology and circular reasoning. The disease model of addiction, for instance, has been severely criticized for mixing description and explanation in its accrual of theoretical constructs to account for substance abuse etiology. Arguing that problem drinking is the consequence of a disease process and maintaining that the evidence for this disease process can be found in a person’s propensity to drink alcohol is both tautological and unhelpful (Heather & Robertson, 1985). Tension, relevance, and unrealism describe horror film appeal but do not explain why people find these features appealing or how these features contribute to the popularity of horror fiction. Explaining horror film appeal requires a deeper analysis of human psychology than is possible using the tension, relevance, and unrealism descriptors. Variables considered useful in explaining horror film popularity will be classified as core and peripheral elements of an integrated-interactive model of horror film appeal. It should be noted that while the descriptive features and explanatory elements of horror film allure are closely related, they are not interchangeable.
Core Element: Fear
Because horror movies feed on fear, the concept of existential fear would seem an appropriate place to start in erecting an integrated-interactive theory of horror film appeal. The fear-producing nature of darkness, danger, and death is well documented in the annals of human history and is liberally represented in horror movies. From an evolutionary standpoint, fear of death and the fear of the unknown have survival value (Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, 1998), an observation that has not been lost on the directors of horror films. The monstrous antagonist in Phantom of the Opera (1925) was specifically made up to look like the face of death (Schneider, 1993) and people’s fear of death and desire to overcome nonexistence are played out in films as diverse as Dracula (1931), Re-animator (1985), and Phantasm (1979). The theme of Phantasm is a young boy’s struggle with loss, brought on by the deaths of his parents and older brother. Death plays a key role in many horror films and is a guiding theme for the overall genre. It is rare, in fact, to find a horror movie in which someone has not just died, been killed, or is currently being threatened with imminent nonexistence by an evil force or presence. Research indicates that disgust in response to real-life horrors correlates significantly with fear of death (Haidt et al., 1994). One possibility, then, is that horror films help people cope with their fear of nonexistence, although this probably depends on the film components with which the viewer identifies. Johnston (1995) found that viewers who identified with examples of fear mastery in a horror picture (independent watching) were more apt to use the picture to overcome their own fear than viewers who identified with a helpless victim (problem watching).
Of the three early life tasks that help shape existential fear, control/predictability appears to be the task that relates best to people’s fear of darkness, danger, and death. Control lost under the cover of darkness is rediscovered in the light of day; danger posed by things unknown is reduced by increased knowledge and predictability; and death is conquered by the promise of symbolic immortality. Along these same lines, Urbano (1998) notes that “the shower murder in Psycho and the alien birth from John Hurt’s stomach in Alien shocked two different generations with similar images of utter powerlessness” (p. 896-897). Fear of loss of control exists at all levels of relevance—personal, subgroup, cultural, and universal—to where we might predict that: (1) individuals who score high on measures of control-related existential fear will be more attracted to horror films than individuals who score low on measures of control-related existential fear; (2) subgroups, like adolescents, who struggle with issues of mastery and autonomy, will find the allure of horror films stronger than subgroups for whom mastery and autonomy are less an issue; (3) cultures that are preoccupied with control, such as are found in industrialized Western nations, should show greater interest in horror films than less control-preoccupied cultures; (4) universal themes surrounding the fear of losing control should be prominent in the horror literature of widely diverse cultures. Hence, control-related existential fear is considered the core element of horror film appeal.
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